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Lumina Gold Announces Concession Extension Until 2049Anti-NATO protesters gathered again in Montreal on Saturday to demand Canada withdraw from the alliance, a day after a demonstration organized by different groups resulted in arrests, burned cars and shattered windows. Politicians in the prime minister's cabinet, opposition parties as well as Quebec leaders have called the violence during Friday's anti-NATO demonstration acts of antisemitism, but protesters deny the claim, saying they demonstrated against the "complicity" of NATO member countries in a war that has killed thousands of Palestinians. Police spokesperson Veronique Dubuc said three people were arrested following a demonstration that began late afternoon Friday.She said police arrested a 22-year-old woman for obstructing police work and assaulting a police officer, as well as two men, 22 and 28, both for obstructing police work. All three were released and will appear in court at a later date. Police said that during the march, smoke bombs were deployed, metal barriers were thrown into the street and windows of businesses and at the convention centre where NATO delegates have been meeting were smashed. Friday's protest was organized by the groups Divest for Palestine and the Convergence of Anti-Capitalist Struggles. Benoit Allard, a member of Divest for Palestine, said he and several other protesters were injured by police and at least four protesters had to go to hospital. He said the purpose of the protest was to demonstrate against what he called NATO's "complicity with Israel's military while it's conducting its genocide in Gaza, war crimes in Lebanon, Syria" and that "it's enforcing illegal occupation of Palestinian territories." On Saturday afternoon Prime Minister Justin Trudeau called Friday's scenes "appalling." "Acts of antisemitism, intimidation, and violence must be condemned wherever we see them," he said on X. "There must be consequences, and rioters held accountable." Conservative Leader Pierre Poilievre on X accused the prime minister of being "too busy to condemn a violent Hamas takeover of our streets." He then followed up with a lengthy statement saying Trudeau has transformed Canada into "a playground for foreign interference." Speaking to reporters at the Halifax International Security Forum on Saturday morning, Foreign Affairs Minister Melanie Joly and Defence Minister Bill Blair said the actions of the protesters were unacceptable. "What we saw was not peaceful protest. What we saw was actually violence, hate and antisemitism, and this has no place on our streets," Joly said. "Those behaviours are unacceptable and we can condemn them, and in particular the hatred and antisemitism that was on display, in the strongest possible terms," said Blair. Quebec Premier Francois Legault also described the scenes as antisemitic. "Burning cars and smashing windows is not about sending a message, it's about causing chaos. Such acts have no place in a peaceful society like Quebec," he wrote. However, Allard rejected accusations of antisemitism. He said the protests were against the actions of the state of Israel and not Jewish people, adding that earlier this week the International Criminal Court issued an arrest warrant for Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. On Thursday, the court said in a news release that there were reasonable grounds to believe Netanyahu committed "the war crime of starvation as a method of warfare; and the crimes against humanity of murder, persecution, and other inhumane acts." About 80 people attended Saturday's anti-NATO protest in downtown Montreal organized by Le Mouvement Quebecois pour la Paix, holding signs that read "Canada out of NATO" and chanting "solidarity with Palestine." Several in attendance held Communist Party of Canada flags while others held Palestinian flags. Jad Kabbanji, president of Le Mouvement Quebecois pour la Paix, said Canada should refuse to meet NATO military spending targets. He also said that despite calling itself a defensive alliance, NATO has destabilized multiple regions across the globe and created military conflicts, notably in the Middle East and eastern Europe. Kabbanji said Israel's military campaign in Gaza would not be possible without the arms provided by NATO members like the United States, and that a policy of increasingly accepting countries that were formerly part of the Soviet Union "pushed Russia to invade Ukraine." Greg Beaune, the groups vice-president, said the group condemns Russia's invasion of Ukraine but added NATO has helped provoke conflict in the region. Group member Rana El Gharbie said she does not support violent protest but added that Canadians are becoming increasingly frustrated by Canada's support for Israel and "lack of action" in protecting Palestinians. Delegates from NATO member states and partner countries are in Montreal this weekend to discuss issues including support for Ukraine, climate change and the future of the alliance. With files from Sammy Hudes in Toronto. This report by The Canadian Press was first published Nov. 23, 2024.
MLB NOTESNoneBy Fabio Teixeira RIO DE JANEIRO, - The 163 Chinese workers found by Brazil's labor ministry in what it described as "slavery-like conditions" at a factory construction site owned by Chinese electric vehicle producer BYD have been removed and taken to hotels, while officials negotiate with BYD and the Jinjiang Group about further measures to protect them, authorities said. The growing controversy in the automaker's biggest overseas market has put a spotlight on immigrant worker conditions in the northeastern Brazilian state of Bahia. A deal with labor prosecutors involving BYD and the Jinjiang Group could be inked as soon as Jan. 7, when they are scheduled to meet. Earlier this week, the labor prosecutor's office described the workers, who had been hired by Chinese construction firm Jinjiang Group, as human trafficking victims. The firm had withheld the passports of 107 of the workers, investigators said. Investigations into slavery can carry powerful consequences for employers in Brazil, including a restriction on their access to bank loans. Jinjiang has denied any wrongdoing, while BYD said it had cut ties with Jinjiang. Both companies are collaborating with authorities on the investigation. Jinjiang said, in a social media post reposted by a BYD spokesperson, that describing the workers' conditions as "slavery-like" was inaccurate, while a BYD executive said media and other groups were "deliberately smearing Chinese brands and the country and undermining the relationship between China and Brazil." If the two companies are charged by labor inspectors with submitting workers to slavery-like conditions, they could be added to Brazil's so-called "dirty list" - a public listing of employers found liable for such charges. While the names of companies are only added to the list after all possibility of appeal is exhausted, which can take years, once a company is included it would stay there for two years. Beyond the substantial reputation risk the "dirty list" carries, companies in it are also barred from obtaining certain types of loans from Brazilian banks. Companies can avoid being included on the "dirty list" by signing a deal with the government committing to change their practices and compensate workers whose rights were abused. Companies and executives are also subject to legal action. Prosecutors who monitor labor affairs can sue companies that are found to have abused workers' rights, unless they agree to pay damages to the Brazilian government and to victims. Separately, federal prosecutors may also pursue criminal charges against executives. Charges of human trafficking and keeping workers in slavery-like conditions carry sentences of up to eight years in prison each. Federal prosecutors have already asked labor authorities to share the evidence they have gathered against BYD and the Jinjiang Group, according to a Thursday statement from the Labor Prosecutor's Office. NEGOTIATIONS BEGIN Labor inspectors are now negotiating with the companies for compensation for the workers whose rights they believe were abused. That could include payment for missed wages and severance. The workers will also receive unemployment benefits. "The efforts of the government bodies at this time are focused on the victims and guaranteeing the victims' rights," said Mauricio Krepsky, a former head of Brazil's Division of Inspection for the Eradication of Slave Labor , a government body staffed by labor inspectors. Victims of human trafficking can choose to stay in Brazil or go back to their home countries, said Ludmila Paiva, co-founder of I-MiGRa, a non-profit that develops projects and research on human trafficking. During a meeting on Thursday, BYD has labor prosecutor's office.already agreed to purchase tickets and cover up to $120 in travel expenses for the return trip to China of seven employees scheduled to return on Jan. 1, according to a statement from Brazil's Negotiations between labor authorities and companies that are suspected of submitting workers to degrading conditions can take months to come, depending on the complexity of the case, the number of victims involved and whether the firms cooperate with authorities or not, experts told Reuters. If the firms are charged, it could still take years for their names to be added to the list, as companies can appeal internally to the government or file lawsuits to keep their names out of the registry. This article was generated from an automated news agency feed without modifications to text.
South Carolina has won six straight games, and one of the catalysts has been the improved free-throw shooting of Nick Pringle. When South Carolina (9-3) faces Presbyterian (7-7) in the final nonconference game for both teams on Monday in Columbia, S.C., the Gamecocks won't have to hold their breath when Pringle toes the line. During South Carolina's surge, which includes wins over three power conference teams, Pringle has made 26 of 30 (86.7 percent) free-throw attempts. It's a remarkable improvement from his 51.7 percent career success rate entering the season. Last month, in his South Carolina debut after transferring from Alabama, Pringle's foul shooting woes continued as he shot 3-for-8 in stunning 74-71 upset at the hands of the visiting North Florida. But video work with coach Lamont Paris convinced Pringle that he needed to quicken his routine and tweak his set point, which is where a player's eyes focus on the rim. "How long it was taking him to release the ball once he started his free throw process was really long, really, really long," Paris said. "So he shortened it." In a 74-48 win over Radford on Dec. 22, Pringle made all 10 of his free throws. His work at the line is no small matter, as he has taken the second-most free throws on the team (61). Pringle averages 10.3 points and 6.8 rebounds per game, combining with Collin Murray-Boyles (16.2 points, 9.3 rebounds) to give the Gamecocks a formidable duo inside. Presbyterian enters after suffering its first home loss this season, 86-81 in overtime to Manhattan on Dec. 21. It was a frustrating defeat after the Blue Hose led by 19 points in the first half. There was a positive, however, as Carl Parrish delivered 23 points and nine rebounds, both career highs. It was a performance that sixth-year coach Quinton Ferrell has been awaiting. "Seeing him play like that offensively is not a shock to me because that's really what he's capable of," Ferrell said. "He's a big-time offensive player." Parrish combines in the backcourt with the Blue Hose's top two threats: Kory Mincy, who averages 14.9 points and 4.6 assists per game, and Kobe Stewart, who scores at a 14.4 ppg clip. Located just 60 miles apart, South Carolina and Presbyterian (Clinton, S.C.) have a long history, with their first game coming nearly 108 years ago. The Gamecocks lead the series 33-8. --Field Level Media
Did Pam Bondi Go to Law School? Her Education Explained
Tweet Facebook Mail A man has been rushed to hospital after a suspected drug overdose on day one of Beyond The Valley, the first festival in Victoria to trial pill testing . The man in his 20s was treated by paramedics at the festival, held outside of Geelong, about 4.40pm on Saturday, before being taken to Geelong University Hospital in a serious but stable condition. He was discharged yesterday morning. READ MORE: Former US President Jimmy Carter dies at 100 Festivalgoers at Beyond The Valley can access to the state's first trial of a mobile pill testing service. (Photograph by Chris Hopkins) More than 35,000 people are expected to attend the four-day festival, which runs until Wednesday. The Victorian government announced last month that the festival would be the first of 10 events to implement pill testing . It is not yet known if the man accessed the pill testing service, which is anonymous. The mobile service has been operating between 1pm and 7pm throughout the festival, with test results returned within 30 minutes. During the trial, at least 200 drug samples will be tested each day. It follows the passing of recent laws in Victoria which give dedicated support to pill testing. If high-risk substances are detected, the pill testers will work with festival management to alert festivalgoers. The festival has introduced a pill testing facility. (Photograph by Chris Hopkins) Volunteers from DanceWize, a peer-based harm reduction service, have been on hand to help festivalgoers. Experts have been calling for urgent pill testing reforms after eight people were put into induced comas following suspected MDMA drug overdoses at Melbourne's Hardmission Festival in January. Another two women were taken to hospital days later after suspected drug use at Juicy Fest. DOWNLOAD THE 9NEWS APP : Stay across all the latest in breaking news, sport, politics and the weather via our news app and get notifications sent straight to your smartphone. Available on the Apple App Store and Google Play .PLAINS, Ga. (AP) — Newly married and sworn as a Naval officer, Jimmy Carter left his tiny hometown in 1946 hoping to climb the ranks and see the world. Less than a decade later, the death of his father and namesake, a merchant farmer and local politician who went by “Mr. Earl,” prompted the submariner and his wife, Rosalynn, to return to the rural life of Plains, Georgia, they thought they’d escaped. The lieutenant never would be an admiral. Instead, he became commander in chief. Years after his presidency ended in humbling defeat, he would add a Nobel Peace Prize, awarded not for his White House accomplishments but “for his decades of untiring effort to find peaceful solutions to international conflicts, to advance democracy and human rights, and to promote economic and social development.” The life of James Earl Carter Jr., the 39th and longest-lived U.S. president, ended Sunday at the age of 100 where it began: Plains, the town of 600 that fueled his political rise, welcomed him after his fall and sustained him during 40 years of service that redefined what it means to be a former president. With the stubborn confidence of an engineer and an optimism rooted in his Baptist faith, Carter described his motivations in politics and beyond in the same way: an almost missionary zeal to solve problems and improve lives. Carter was raised amid racism, abject poverty and hard rural living — realities that shaped both his deliberate politics and emphasis on human rights. “He always felt a responsibility to help people,” said Jill Stuckey, a longtime friend of Carter's in Plains. “And when he couldn’t make change wherever he was, he decided he had to go higher.” Carter's path, a mix of happenstance and calculation , pitted moral imperatives against political pragmatism; and it defied typical labels of American politics, especially caricatures of one-term presidents as failures. “We shouldn’t judge presidents by how popular they are in their day. That's a very narrow way of assessing them," Carter biographer Jonathan Alter told the Associated Press. “We should judge them by how they changed the country and the world for the better. On that score, Jimmy Carter is not in the first rank of American presidents, but he stands up quite well.” Later in life, Carter conceded that many Americans, even those too young to remember his tenure, judged him ineffective for failing to contain inflation or interest rates, end the energy crisis or quickly bring home American hostages in Iran. He gained admirers instead for his work at The Carter Center — advocating globally for public health, human rights and democracy since 1982 — and the decades he and Rosalynn wore hardhats and swung hammers with Habitat for Humanity. Yet the common view that he was better after the Oval Office than in it annoyed Carter, and his allies relished him living long enough to see historians reassess his presidency. “He doesn’t quite fit in today’s terms” of a left-right, red-blue scoreboard, said U.S. Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg, who visited the former president multiple times during his own White House bid. At various points in his political career, Carter labeled himself “progressive” or “conservative” — sometimes both at once. His most ambitious health care bill failed — perhaps one of his biggest legislative disappointments — because it didn’t go far enough to suit liberals. Republicans, especially after his 1980 defeat, cast him as a left-wing cartoon. It would be easiest to classify Carter as a centrist, Buttigieg said, “but there’s also something radical about the depth of his commitment to looking after those who are left out of society and out of the economy.” Indeed, Carter’s legacy is stitched with complexities, contradictions and evolutions — personal and political. The self-styled peacemaker was a war-trained Naval Academy graduate who promised Democratic challenger Ted Kennedy that he’d “kick his ass.” But he campaigned with a call to treat everyone with “respect and compassion and with love.” Carter vowed to restore America’s virtue after the shame of Vietnam and Watergate, and his technocratic, good-government approach didn't suit Republicans who tagged government itself as the problem. It also sometimes put Carter at odds with fellow Democrats. The result still was a notable legislative record, with wins on the environment, education, and mental health care. He dramatically expanded federally protected lands, began deregulating air travel, railroads and trucking, and he put human rights at the center of U.S. foreign policy. As a fiscal hawk, Carter added a relative pittance to the national debt, unlike successors from both parties. Carter nonetheless struggled to make his achievements resonate with the electorate he charmed in 1976. Quoting Bob Dylan and grinning enthusiastically, he had promised voters he would “never tell a lie.” Once in Washington, though, he led like a joyless engineer, insisting his ideas would become reality and he'd be rewarded politically if only he could convince enough people with facts and logic. This served him well at Camp David, where he brokered peace between Israel’s Menachem Begin and Epypt’s Anwar Sadat, an experience that later sparked the idea of The Carter Center in Atlanta. Carter's tenacity helped the center grow to a global force that monitored elections across five continents, enabled his freelance diplomacy and sent public health experts across the developing world. The center’s wins were personal for Carter, who hoped to outlive the last Guinea worm parasite, and nearly did. As president, though, the approach fell short when he urged consumers beleaguered by energy costs to turn down their thermostats. Or when he tried to be the nation’s cheerleader, beseeching Americans to overcome a collective “crisis of confidence.” Republican Ronald Reagan exploited Carter's lecturing tone with a belittling quip in their lone 1980 debate. “There you go again,” the former Hollywood actor said in response to a wonky answer from the sitting president. “The Great Communicator” outpaced Carter in all but six states. Carter later suggested he “tried to do too much, too soon” and mused that he was incompatible with Washington culture: media figures, lobbyists and Georgetown social elites who looked down on the Georgians and their inner circle as “country come to town.” Carter carefully navigated divides on race and class on his way to the Oval Office. Born Oct. 1, 1924 , Carter was raised in the mostly Black community of Archery, just outside Plains, by a progressive mother and white supremacist father. Their home had no running water or electricity but the future president still grew up with the relative advantages of a locally prominent, land-owning family in a system of Jim Crow segregation. He wrote of President Franklin Roosevelt’s towering presence and his family’s Democratic Party roots, but his father soured on FDR, and Jimmy Carter never campaigned or governed as a New Deal liberal. He offered himself as a small-town peanut farmer with an understated style, carrying his own luggage, bunking with supporters during his first presidential campaign and always using his nickname. And he began his political career in a whites-only Democratic Party. As private citizens, he and Rosalynn supported integration as early as the 1950s and believed it inevitable. Carter refused to join the White Citizens Council in Plains and spoke out in his Baptist church against denying Black people access to worship services. “This is not my house; this is not your house,” he said in a churchwide meeting, reminding fellow parishioners their sanctuary belonged to God. Yet as the appointed chairman of Sumter County schools he never pushed to desegregate, thinking it impractical after the Supreme Court’s 1954 Brown v. Board decision. And while presidential candidate Carter would hail the 1965 Voting Rights Act, signed by fellow Democrat Lyndon Johnson when Carter was a state senator, there is no record of Carter publicly supporting it at the time. Carter overcame a ballot-stuffing opponent to win his legislative seat, then lost the 1966 governor's race to an arch-segregationist. He won four years later by avoiding explicit mentions of race and campaigning to the right of his rival, who he mocked as “Cufflinks Carl” — the insult of an ascendant politician who never saw himself as part the establishment. Carter’s rural and small-town coalition in 1970 would match any victorious Republican electoral map in 2024. Once elected, though, Carter shocked his white conservative supporters — and landed on the cover of Time magazine — by declaring that “the time for racial discrimination is over.” Before making the jump to Washington, Carter befriended the family of slain civil rights leader Martin Luther King Jr., whom he’d never sought out as he eyed the governor’s office. Carter lamented his foot-dragging on school integration as a “mistake.” But he also met, conspicuously, with Alabama's segregationist Gov. George Wallace to accept his primary rival's endorsement ahead of the 1976 Democratic convention. “He very shrewdly took advantage of his own Southerness,” said Amber Roessner, a University of Tennessee professor and expert on Carter’s campaigns. A coalition of Black voters and white moderate Democrats ultimately made Carter the last Democratic presidential nominee to sweep the Deep South. Then, just as he did in Georgia, he used his power in office to appoint more non-whites than all his predecessors had, combined. He once acknowledged “the secret shame” of white Americans who didn’t fight segregation. But he also told Alter that doing more would have sacrificed his political viability – and thus everything he accomplished in office and after. King's daughter, Bernice King, described Carter as wisely “strategic” in winning higher offices to enact change. “He was a leader of conscience,” she said in an interview. Rosalynn Carter, who died on Nov. 19 at the age of 96, was identified by both husband and wife as the “more political” of the pair; she sat in on Cabinet meetings and urged him to postpone certain priorities, like pressing the Senate to relinquish control of the Panama Canal. “Let that go until the second term,” she would sometimes say. The president, recalled her former aide Kathy Cade, retorted that he was “going to do what’s right” even if “it might cut short the time I have.” Rosalynn held firm, Cade said: “She’d remind him you have to win to govern.” Carter also was the first president to appoint multiple women as Cabinet officers. Yet by his own telling, his career sprouted from chauvinism in the Carters' early marriage: He did not consult Rosalynn when deciding to move back to Plains in 1953 or before launching his state Senate bid a decade later. Many years later, he called it “inconceivable” that he didn’t confer with the woman he described as his “full partner,” at home, in government and at The Carter Center. “We developed a partnership when we were working in the farm supply business, and it continued when Jimmy got involved in politics,” Rosalynn Carter told AP in 2021. So deep was their trust that when Carter remained tethered to the White House in 1980 as 52 Americans were held hostage in Tehran, it was Rosalynn who campaigned on her husband’s behalf. “I just loved it,” she said, despite the bitterness of defeat. Fair or not, the label of a disastrous presidency had leading Democrats keep their distance, at least publicly, for many years, but Carter managed to remain relevant, writing books and weighing in on societal challenges. He lamented widening wealth gaps and the influence of money in politics. He voted for democratic socialist Bernie Sanders over Hillary Clinton in 2016, and later declared that America had devolved from fully functioning democracy to “oligarchy.” Yet looking ahead to 2020, with Sanders running again, Carter warned Democrats not to “move to a very liberal program,” lest they help re-elect President Donald Trump. Carter scolded the Republican for his serial lies and threats to democracy, and chided the U.S. establishment for misunderstanding Trump’s populist appeal. He delighted in yearly convocations with Emory University freshmen, often asking them to guess how much he’d raised in his two general election campaigns. “Zero,” he’d gesture with a smile, explaining the public financing system candidates now avoid so they can raise billions. Carter still remained quite practical in partnering with wealthy corporations and foundations to advance Carter Center programs. Carter recognized that economic woes and the Iran crisis doomed his presidency, but offered no apologies for appointing Paul Volcker as the Federal Reserve chairman whose interest rate hikes would not curb inflation until Reagan's presidency. He was proud of getting all the hostages home without starting a shooting war, even though Tehran would not free them until Reagan's Inauguration Day. “Carter didn’t look at it” as a failure, Alter emphasized. “He said, ‘They came home safely.’ And that’s what he wanted.” Well into their 90s, the Carters greeted visitors at Plains’ Maranatha Baptist Church, where he taught Sunday School and where he will have his last funeral before being buried on family property alongside Rosalynn . Carter, who made the congregation’s collection plates in his woodworking shop, still garnered headlines there, calling for women’s rights within religious institutions, many of which, he said, “subjugate” women in church and society. Carter was not one to dwell on regrets. “I am at peace with the accomplishments, regret the unrealized goals and utilize my former political position to enhance everything we do,” he wrote around his 90th birthday. The politician who had supposedly hated Washington politics also enjoyed hosting Democratic presidential contenders as public pilgrimages to Plains became advantageous again. Carter sat with Buttigieg for the final time March 1, 2020, hours before the Indiana mayor ended his campaign and endorsed eventual winner Joe Biden. “He asked me how I thought the campaign was going,” Buttigieg said, recalling that Carter flashed his signature grin and nodded along as the young candidate, born a year after Carter left office, “put the best face” on the walloping he endured the day before in South Carolina. Never breaking his smile, the 95-year-old host fired back, “I think you ought to drop out.” “So matter of fact,” Buttigieg said with a laugh. “It was somehow encouraging.” Carter had lived enough, won plenty and lost enough to take the long view. “He talked a lot about coming from nowhere,” Buttigieg said, not just to attain the presidency but to leverage “all of the instruments you have in life” and “make the world more peaceful.” In his farewell address as president, Carter said as much to the country that had embraced and rejected him. “The struggle for human rights overrides all differences of color, nation or language,” he declared. “Those who hunger for freedom, who thirst for human dignity and who suffer for the sake of justice — they are the patriots of this cause.” Carter pledged to remain engaged with and for them as he returned “home to the South where I was born and raised,” home to Plains, where that young lieutenant had indeed become “a fellow citizen of the world.” —- Bill Barrow, based in Atlanta, has covered national politics including multiple presidential campaigns for the AP since 2012.